As populism takes hold in the west the performance of politics is changing shape too. Starmer spends more time on international relations with America than on national politics. The alt right is finding a footing with Farage and his DOGE rip-off model.
Reform’s version of DOGE is explicitly modeled on the US one, which wanted to “move fast and break things” – like spending, bureaucracy, and so-called fraud. The results of the American DOGE were confusing and not entirely as they were reported to be in the early days of their break-in to government. Farage and Zia Yusuf have totally ripped off the DOGE approach, even down to the use of AI and self-styled ‘forensic’ auditors in UK councils. For example:
- In Kent County Council (their pilot), the DOGE team started reviewing budgets in June 2025, focusing on things like procurement, IT systems, and “wasteful” spending on climate change initiatives or diversity initiatives.
- By August 2025, Reform had claimed their DOGE efforts had saved over £100 million across controlled councils in just 100 days, mainly by scrapping climate-related projects and streamlining services.
- Farage has pushed for a “DOGE in every county,” warning council staff in non-essential roles (like climate or DEI) to “seek alternative careers.”
Critics (from unions like UNISON, opposition parties, and local gov experts) rightly call it “political theatre” or a “witch-hunt,” arguing it’s intrusive, risks jobs in vital services like social care, and ignores councils’ real funding crises (e.g., 27% real-terms cuts since 2010). There have been pushbacks on data access, with some councils hiring lawyers over privacy concerns. Even within Reform, there was drama—Yusuf briefly quit as chair in June before returning to lead DOGE.
It has stirred up a lot of debate, especially with Reform’s pro-crypto stance because they accept crypto donations and want Bitcoin reserves tying them into the bro-coder world. This new digital arm of the alt right is embarrassing and not even acknowledged by the American DOGE.
Reform’s also pushing hard for the UK to strike deals with countries like Afghanistan to take back rejected asylum seekers and failed deportees. Farage has called it a “common-sense” fix for the “small boats crisis,” arguing in Parliament and on his shows that paying a bit to countries like Afghanistan or Albania incentivises cooperation on returns. In a July 2025 speech, he floated using aid money or direct payments to fund repatriation flights and processing, claiming it could cut illegal migration by 50% overnight. Bullshit. And, beyond the bullshit there are the women and children affected by Taliban rule that he would see returned in this backhanded deal. For example, Human Rights Watch warns such deals risk refoulement, endangering women and girls under Taliban bans on education and work.
Comparing Reform UK’s surge to the 1930s British Union of Fascists (BUF, or “blackshirts” under Oswald Mosley) is a charged analogy that’s been thrown around in op-eds and protests, especially post their strong showing in the 2024 general election (they got 14% of the vote but only 5 seats due to FPTP) and gains in 2025 locals. Here’s some nuance from Grok:
“Similarities that fuel the worry: Both tap into economic angst, anti-immigration fervor, and “Britain for the British” nationalism. The BUF railed against “alien” influences (Jews, communists) in the Depression era; Reform hammers “globalist elites,” net migration, and “woke” culture wars. Farage’s rallies have seen ugly incidents—like the 2024 Clacton violence where supporters clashed with counter-protesters—and their DOGE push echoes BUF’s calls for “efficient” authoritarian audits. Historians like Roger Griffin note how both use charismatic leaders (Mosley/Farage) to promise quick fixes amid decline. With Reform now controlling 20+ councils and polling at 25% nationally in August 2025 polls (per YouGov), the “rise” feels real, and left-leaning voices (e.g., in The New Statesman) warn it’s echoing interwar fascism’s playbook: start with populism, end with division.
Key differences to consider: Unlike the BUF, Reform operates within democracy—they’re a legitimate party, not a paramilitary group (no blackshirt street thugs here, though their online trolls can be thuggish). Farage disavows violence and has distanced from extremists (e.g., expelling members with far-right ties in 2024). The 1930s context was unique: post-WWI trauma, global depression, and rising Nazism; today, it’s Brexit fallout, cost-of-living crisis, and social media echo chambers. Critics like Hope Not Hate track Reform’s overlaps with genuine fascists (e.g., some candidates with BNP pasts), but the party itself isn’t calling for dictatorship—more like Thatcher-on-steroids with meme sauce. Still, the “stirring hatred” you mention is spot on; reported hate crimes spiked 20% after Reform’s election pushes, per Home Office stats.
Is it heading to full 1930s fascism? Probably not—UK institutions (courts, media, civil society) are stronger now, and public memory of WWII acts as a brake. But the parallel serves as a warning: unchecked populism can slide into authoritarianism if mainstream parties don’t address the grievances.”
I agree with Grok here, in that I don’t think we will find a repeat of the 1930s but I do think a lot of the tactics they use – against immigrants, for example – lean into this aesthetic and performative populism. The result is a worrying rise in alt right popularity and visibility. I think Labour should usurp the DOGE efficiency angle and get a grip on what government departments are doing themselves.
Or, as Grok phrased it: “Labour needs to go hard on bread-and-butter issues—wages, job security, housing. Your instinct to inspire working people is spot-on. They could push bold, tangible wins: say, a £15 minimum wage by 2027 (TUC estimates it’d lift 2 million out of poverty), council house building targets (100,000 new homes a year, per Shelter’s ask), or tax breaks for small businesses hit by energy costs. These scream “we’re for you” louder than fuzzy “inclusive growth” talk. Starmer could take a leaf from Biden’s 2021 playbook—his “Build Back Better” rhetoric (before it flopped) rallied blue-collar voters with infrastructure jobs. Labour’s got to show it’s fighting for the factory worker, not just the London grad.”
Written by Grok and Emma